Sunday, 21 December 2025

LEO'S PERVERTS SAY MASS BUT A PRO-LIFE PRIEST CAN'T


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So many well known heterodox, thieving, and/or sexually perverted priests said Mass this morning. But not the American priest and warrior for the unborn, Fr Frank Pavone. He was laicised by Francis in 2022 for his audacity in backing Donald Trump and denouncing the Democrats, and now Leo won't let him even say a funeral Mass for his mother.


Some may quibble about the reasons why he was permanently barred from his Novus Ordo priesthood, but there are zero excuses for the homoheretic Fr James Martin, who freely and blasphemously still masquerades as a priest. It's said Fr Pavone was disobedient to his superiors, but blind obedience to illegitimate commands has greatly damaged the Church. He's yet another conservative priest cancelled by the abusive, corrupt, conciliar Vatican. https://crisismagazine.com/opinion/the-sad-case-of-frank-pavone 


Defending the defenceless unborn got Father Pavone into trouble with ideological FrancisChurch politics and it's not a popular pastime with conciliar priests. In New Zealand, parish ads for pro-life vigil volunteers have been declined as "divisive". And when was the last time you heard a Novus Ordo pro-life homily? FrancisChurch deserted Fr Pavone and the Leonine model persists in abandoning the unborn and their champions.



Fr Pavone with Mother Angelica, who asked him to start the program 'Defending Life'.




You will not see the hideous statistics quoted below anywhere in New Zealand's secular, socialist media: Since Jacinda Ardern smuggled her heinous 2020 Abortion Law Act through Parliament, under the nose of a nation she'd scared out of its wits by Covid, Early Chemical Abortions have increased by 29%.


The Ministry of Health’s annual report on induced abortions in New Zealand for 2024 reveals a horrific reality that demands far more public attention and moral scrutiny than it has received. In 2024, 17,785 abortions were carried out.

That is 49 pre-born lives lost every single day.
Or 342 each week.


Early Chemical Abortion


Early Chemical* Abortions, referred to as Early Medical Abortions (EMA), occur under 10 weeks’ gestation and now dominate the abortion landscape in New Zealand.


In 2024, EMAs accounted for 67% of all abortions (11,892 cases). These abortions involve a combination of two drugs: mifepristone, which blocks progesterone and deprives the baby of nourishment, and misoprostol, which induces uterine contractions to expel the child.


The statistics reveal a dramatic shift in how women are obtaining abortions. In 2020, when the Abortion Legislation Act was passed, EMAs accounted for 38.1% of abortions.  The current report indicates a 29% increase since the law reform.


Almost half of these early chemical abortions (5,419) were accessed through the national Decide abortion “telehealth service”, with a further 2,393 (20%) obtained through regional “telehealth”. Despite the rise of “telehealth” to obtain the abortion pills, 4,080 were obtained through in-person consultations.


It is little wonder that early chemical abortion has caught on.  When taking the contraceptive or morning-after pill is portrayed as normal and responsible behaviour, it is only a small step to taking pills to end a pregnancy, especially in a culture already conditioned to treat pregnancy as a problem to be solved.


Abortion is violent. It is brutal. It is barbaric.
And it always ends a human life.


What is also too often forgotten are the mothers, fathers, grandparents, and siblings who live with the negative and lasting consequences of abortion. Grief, regret, and ongoing trauma are real experiences that often go unacknowledged because they disrupt the narrative that abortion is harmless or empowering.


A society is judged by how it treats its most vulnerable. Michelle Kaufman <michelle@fli.org.nz>




Charles Moth, the new Archbishop of Westminster - so boring, it's said, he couldn't possibly cause a scandal

 

And now, from the incredibly prolific and vigilant Chris Jackson at Hiraeth in Exile:

Leo XIV appoints a safe bureaucrat to Westminster, floats “legitimate progress” once again at the altar, and watches bishops discipline Catholic priests. 

 

There is a temptation, especially among exhausted Catholics, to read each of these stories in isolation and reassure ourselves that none of them is decisive.

 

A bad appointment here, an ambiguous phrase there, an ill-chosen intervention by a provincial bishop somewhere else. Taken singly, each can be rationalized. Taken together, they form a pattern that no amount of pastoral adjectives can disguise.



  • This week’s cluster tells us exactly how this pontificate governs. Loyalty upward is rewarded. Doctrinal clarity downward is punished. Tradition is praised in the abstract and restricted in the concrete. And when the Church’s moral voice might actually cost something in the public square, episcopal courage evaporates.

     

    Westminster and the Promotion of Inertia

     

    The appointment of Charles Moth as Archbishop of Westminster by Leo XIV is being sold as stability. That alone tells you everything.

     

    Moth’s reputation, repeated even by sympathetic English Catholic journalists, is not one of apostolic boldness but of managerial quietism. He is safe. He does nothing. He threatens no one. In a Church hemorrhaging belief, this is now considered a qualification.

     

    But the real scandal is not his personality. It is his record.

     

    When a parish priest, Ian Vane, announced that he would deny Holy Communion to a Catholic MP who had publicly voted for assisted suicide, he was doing precisely what the Church’s sacramental discipline exists to do.

     

    He was not being political. He was being Catholic. Moth chose to undercut him. By siding with the politician and publicly signaling that denial of Communion was “not the Church’s position,” the bishop effectively told every priest in his diocese that fidelity will not be defended and scandal will be managed.

     

    That is the model now being elevated to England’s most prominent see. Westminster does not receive a shepherd. It receives a custodian whose primary task is to keep the peace with the regime and ensure nothing sharp disturbs the furniture.

     

    “Sound Tradition” and the Elastic Vocabulary of Reform

     

    The Christmas letter sent by Leo XIV to the cardinals ahead of the January consistory is being spun as hopeful. The language will be familiar to anyone who has lived through the postconciliar half-century.

    The liturgy, we are told, must retain “sound tradition” while remaining “open to legitimate progress,” a phrase lifted verbatim from Sacrosanctum Concilium. The trouble is not the quotation. The trouble is its history.

     

    Every concrete liturgical abuse of the last sixty years has been justified with precisely this vocabulary. “Sound tradition” is never defined in a way that constrains innovation. “Legitimate progress” is never bounded by what actually existed before the reform. The words function as solvents. They dissolve resistance while sounding reassuring to the uninitiated.

     

    We are also told that the synod and synodality will be discussed as instruments of collaboration with the Roman Pontiff, language meant to suggest a rebalancing after the Francis years. Yet the same mechanisms remain in place. Synodality still flows upward when it disciplines tradition and sideways when it indulges novelty. No bishop fears sanction for blessing disorder. Many fear it for protecting the altar.

     

    The suggestion that this consistory might meaningfully address the needs of traditionally minded faithful is wishful thinking dressed up as analysis. The same framework that produced Traditionis Custodes is still intact. Only the tone has softened.

     

    The Governing Logic Made Visible

     

    Taken together, these stories reveal the governing instincts of this pontificate more clearly than any manifesto could.

     

    Institutional calm is prized over doctrinal clarity. Public harmony is preferred to moral truth. Tradition is praised as heritage while being treated as a problem to be managed. Courage is encouraged only when it aligns with the cultural expectations of the liberal order.

     

    None of this requires conspiracies. It requires only men who believe that survival is success and that conflict is the highest evil.

     

    The tragedy is not that the Church is persecuted by the world. It is that she now disciplines her own most faithful servants in advance, so that the world never has to bother. Chris Jackson from Hiraeth In Exile <bigmodernism@substack.com>

     

     

     

    St John Preaching in the Desert 
    Nicholaes Moeyaert



    And he came into all the country about the Jordan, preaching the baptism of penance for the remission of sins
    - Gospel, Fourth Sunday of Advent . - 



Thursday, 18 December 2025

HAKA & HONGI ARE MYTH & RELIGION


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TPM's Ngarewa-Packer, Kaipara after the haka in Parliament where protocol evidently doesn't matter as it does on the marae.




The Western world is worried about antiWhiteism. It's a thing. Because white people are on the verge of extinction. 100 years ago 35 percent of the global population was white; today it's eight percent. The white replacement theory is real and the question is whether New Zealand is playing its own small role (consciously or unconciously), in a globalist scheme, by its privileged treatment of brown people.


Ironically, it's white people who've made a god of Diversity and fall over themselves to rescue minorities (in New Zealand, Maori being by far the highest profile variant, from 'colonialism'). New Zealand has spent so many billions expiating white guilt over Te Tiritu Waitangi, straining unsuccessfully to lift Maori out of sickness and poverty, it's now approaching the third world status that Indian and Philippino immigrants think they're escaping.


Anti-White animus, fostered by the Left who frequent the media, incites white guilt and white depression. White people almost apologise for living and they certainly refrain from breeding more white people whose capacity for offending brown and black people is apparently unlimited. In the US it's a worse crime to call a black man by the N word than it is to k*ll a white one.


In Canada for example, 95% of those committing suicide by a legal, lethal shot (Medical Assistance in Dying (MAID), are Caucasian. White. As the feast of the Christ Child comes close, the worried world should go to Bethlehem in spirit and adore His mercy and mildness in the flesh, in the Sacrament of the Most Holy Eucharist. 





That little rant (above) is merely by way of introduction to an eminently sane gentleman, one John Robertson, writing for Bassett Brash and Hide on the issue of preference for Maori (or Maori fatigue, if you like):


 

New Zealand likes to tell itself a comforting story: that we are a modern, secular democracy where the state stays neutral and citizens are free to believe - or not believe - without pressure. In theory, that sounds right. In practice, it increasingly feels untrue.


Across schools, councils, universities, hospitals, courts, public workplaces, environmental law, research funding, museums, and national ceremonies, a single belief system has been given a status no other belief enjoys.


 


Te Pati Maori's Debbie Ngarewa-Packer, Oriini Kaipara after the haka in Parliament where protocol evidently doesn't matter as it does on the marae.

 

Māori spiritual concepts—tikanga Māori (customary rules), wairuatanga (the spiritual dimension), mauri (life force), tapu (sacred restriction), and related ideas—are routinely embedded into public institutions. Participation is expected. Opt‑outs are rare or non‑existent. Questioning it is discouraged. Compliance is assumed.

 

The crucial detail most people miss is legal, not cultural. Māori spiritual beliefs are not treated in law as a religion. They are classified as culture, heritage, or partnership obligations. That classification acts like a legal bypass switch. It allows practices that would be prohibited if they came from Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, or any other recognised religion.

  

A Christian prayer in a state school requires consent. A Māori karakia does not. A religious ritual at a council meeting would raise immediate objections. A spiritual acknowledgement framed as tikanga proceeds as standard procedure. The distinction is not neutrality—it is preference, dressed up as culture.


Supporters insist these practices are harmless, symbolic, or merely respectful. But symbols stop being harmless when they are compulsory. When students are led in prayer-like rituals without parental consent, when staff are expected to stand silently for spiritual invocations at work, when courts and government agencies incorporate metaphysical concepts into decision‑making, the state is no longer neutral. It is endorsing a belief system.


And let us be honest about definitions. Any worldview that includes spirits, sacred forces, ancestral presence, and existence beyond death occupies religious territory. Calling it culture does not change its nature. Spirituality and religion are not opposites; they are overlapping categories. Pretending otherwise may be politically convenient, but it is intellectually dishonest.

 

 




This is where public frustration sets in. People are not objecting because they hate Māori culture. They are objecting because they are tired of being told participation is not optional while being assured it somehow isn’t religious. They are tired of a system where one set of beliefs enjoys automatic access to public power while all others are confined behind consent forms and opt‑in rules.


What we now have, whether intended or not, looks like a two‑tier framework. One belief system is permitted to permeate public life under the banner of culture. Others are restricted in the name of secularism. That is not equality. It is secularism by exception.


No democracy should operate like this. The state should not decide which metaphysical claims count as culture and which count as religion. It should not pressure citizens into rituals they did not choose. And it should not silence dissent by implying that objection equals hostility.


 

Maori fatigue

 


The solution is neither radical nor hostile. It is boring, legal, and fair.

 

First, acknowledge that Māori spiritual beliefs are beliefs. Treat them as such under the law. Second, apply the same rule to everyone: no compulsory participation in spiritual practices in public institutions. Third, restore a genuinely neutral public sphere where belief is private and consent is paramount.


This does not diminish heritage. It protects freedom. It does not erase culture. It draws a boundary the state was always meant to respect.

 

New Zealand does not need more symbolism. It needs consistency. It needs the courage to say that equality before the law means exactly that—no favoured beliefs, no quiet exemptions, and no spiritual coercion disguised as culture.


People are not confused. They are fed up. And the longer this loophole remains open, the louder that frustration will become.


 

The haka: not neutral, not cultural 


 

Why Calling the Haka “Just Culture” Is a Legal and Intellectual Evasion

 

One of the most persistent evasions in this debate centres on the haka. Many New Zealanders have been conditioned to believe the haka is a neutral cultural performance, stripped of any spiritual content the moment it entered schools and public ceremonies. That belief does not survive even basic scrutiny.


The haka is not a gym warm‑up, nor a secular team‑building exercise. Its origins are explicitly spiritual. Traditional haka draw on atua (gods or supernatural beings), wairua (spirit), mana (spiritual authority or power), tapu (sacred restriction), and ancestral invocation.

 

These are not poetic flourishes. They are core metaphysical concepts within Māori cosmology. Early haka were performed to summon spiritual strength, align performers with ancestral power, intimidate opponents through sacred force, and invoke protection from the unseen realm.


No amount of administrative relabelling changes that reality. A ritual does not cease to be spiritual because a ministry decides to call it “bicultural practice.” History, theology, and anthropology do not bend to policy documents.

 

The same applies to the hongi (nose-rubbing), often described as a friendly greeting. In Māori cosmology, the hongi represents the sharing of ha—the sacred breath of life—directly linked to the creation narrative (actually myth - ed) in which Tāne breathes spiritual life into the first human. That is not metaphor. That is doctrine. It is mythology, spirituality, and religion rolled into one physical act.


Yet these practices are routinely introduced into state schools, councils, and public institutions without consent, without opt‑out mechanisms, and without the scrutiny applied to any other belief system.

 

 





If a Christian prayer, Islamic supplication, Hindu mantra, or Buddhist chant were imposed under the same conditions, it would rightly provoke outrage. The only reason this does not happen here is because the belief system has been granted a cultural exemption.

 

This is the loophole at the heart of the problem. Māori spiritual beliefs are treated in law as something other than religion, allowing them to pass straight through the secular firewall that restrains all others. The result is a system where participation is expected, dissent is socially punished, and neutrality is quietly abandoned.

 

Pointing this out does not diminish Māori culture. It challenges state overreach. It asserts a simple principle: the government has no mandate to decide which spiritual beliefs count as culture and which count as religion, nor to compel citizens—especially children—to participate in rituals rooted in metaphysical belief.


If New Zealand is serious about secularism, the solution is straightforward. Acknowledge spiritual belief for what it is. Apply the same rules to everyone. Restore consent, neutrality, and equal treatment under the law.

 

Until that happens, claims of secularism will remain hollow. What we will have instead is a system where spirituality is enforced by exception, silence is mistaken for agreement, and frustration continues to grow—because people can see, plainly, that the rules are not being applied equally.

https://www.bassettbrashandhide.com/post/john-robertson-secularism-by-exception-why-new-zealand-needs-one-rule-for-all?utm_campaign=


 



Hugo van der Goes Mary and Joseph on the Way to Bethlehem (1475)



Mary and Joseph, please pray for the world